Why Trump Won't Get Sanders' Supporters Politico

On the surface, Trump has a case to make that he’s a more natural home for frustrated “felt-the-Bern” voters than Clinton is. He is a more vociferous critic of global trade rules than she is. He does less big dollar campaign fundraising than she does. And he is a greater skeptic of military intervention than she is.

But Bernie’s revolutionaries are not now buying many tickets for the Trump Train, even as they confront the reality that Sanders can’t win the nomination. While Clinton may have struggled to win millennials—particularly white working class millennials—in the primary against Sanders, they appear ready to forgive. Harvard’s Institute of Politics, which specializes in surveying young voters, found Clinton trounces Trump 61 percent to 25 percent with voters under 30 years of age, a bigger margin than Obama had over Romney.

Sanders' Dilemma: Go for Broke or Go for Influence Bloomberg Politics

Democrats are increasingly warning that while Bernie Sanders deserves high praise for elevating issues like income inequality and the minimum wage, his incessant attacks on front-runner Hillary Clinton will surely hurt the party and make him the villain.

Howard Dean, the former Vermont governor, presidential candidate and Democratic National Committee chairman, offers good advice when he says "The way to get Hillary to cooperate is to be cooperative and not to attack her personally."

"He could win by losing if he chooses the right tack,'' Steve Schale, Obama's 2008 Florida primary manager said. "If he plays his cards right—help Hillary, help define Trump—he'll go back to the Senate as an exceptionally powerful man with a movement. If he's seen playing sore loser and constantly driving a knife into an opponent he's not going to beat, he could go to the Senate as a pariah who really hurt the party's chances."

At rallies this week in Sacramento, California and Salem, Oregon, Sanders showed no signs of letting up on Clinton. He continued to launch barbs over her vote to authorize the Iraq war and her ties to Wall Street donors and wealthy campaign financiers. On Wednesday, he showed little patience when pressed in an interview by MSNBC's Andrea Mitchell if his continued presence in the race hurts Clinton and helps presumptive Republican nominee Donald Trump.

Polling Myths Hurt Hillary

The Myth of the Disappearing Nonwhite Voter by Jamelle Bouie Slate

Bouie takes up the expanding white electorate theory that Quinnipiac used in their recent swing state polling, a decision that most definitely expanded results for Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders, while decreasing support for Hillary Clinton.

2016 Black Primary Turnout Exceeds 2008 Levels

While anything is possible in these ferocious political waters, it's a fact that black voter turnout has increased every four years since 1996. That year black voter turnout hit a low of 53%. In 2012 black voterout reached 66.2%, surpassing white turnout for the first time in American history. Bouie analyzes black turnout in the recent Super Tuesday states, and finds their support for Hillary at levels higher than 2008 primary turnout.

Heavy Hispanic and Latino Registration

Hispanic turnout has also grown, from 44 percent in 1996 to a high of nearly 50 percent in 2008. But it decreased to 48 percent in the 2012 election. In general, turnout among Hispanic and Latino voters tends to lag far behind their share of eligible voters and registered voters. But there are early signs that turnout may rebound and return to its earlier trajectory. Since January, the rate of Hispanic voter registration has doubled in California and increased by large margins in North Carolina and Georgia. While some of this reflects the extent to which the country’s Hispanic population skews young, there’s evidence that it’s a reaction to Trump and his vocal, anti-immigrant rhetoric. If that’s true, we could see a growth in the total number of Hispanic voters and the share of them that go to the polls. And either way, if the turnout rate for Hispanic voters simply holds steady, they’ll have a larger impact than in 2012, given their growth in the electorate.

There is no guarantee that Clinton will win Pennsylvania, Ohio or Florida. But the asumptions in the Quinnipiac polling run against the grain of reality, leaving one to wonder why.